Asser International Sports Law Blog

Our International Sports Law Diary
The Asser International Sports Law Centre is part of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut

12th round of Caster Semenya’s legal fight: too close to call? - By Jeremy Abel

Editor's note: Jeremy Abel is a recent graduate of the LL.M in International Business Law and Sports of the University of Lausanne.

 

1.     Introduction

The famous South African athlete Caster Semenya is in the last lap of her long legal battle for her right to run without changing the natural testosterone in her body. After losing her cases before the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) and the Swiss Federal Tribunal, she filed an application before the European Court of Human Rights (Court). In the meantime, the Court has released a summary of her complaint and a series of questions addressed to the parties of the case.

As is well known, she is challenging the World Athletics’ Eligibility Regulations for the Female Classification (Regulations) defining the conditions under which female and intersex athletes with certain types of differences of sex development (DSDs) can compete in international athletics events. Despite the Regulations emanating from World Athletics, the last round of her legal battle is against a new opponent: Switzerland.

The purpose of this article is to revisit the Semenya case from a European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) perspective while considering certain excellent points made by previous contributors (see here, here and here) to this blog. Therefore, the blog will follow the basic structure of an ECHR case. The following issues raised by Semenya shall be analysed: the applicability of the ECHR, Semenya’s right to private life (Article 8 ECHR) and to non discrimination (Article 14 ECHR), as well as the proportionality of the Regulations.

2.     Applicability of the ECHR

An interesting question is how the Court will apply the ECHR to the case at hand. It has two options at its disposal. It can either use the doctrine of positive or negative obligations to resolve the case. The most logical solution would be to favour the positive obligations route. This doctrine allows the Court to hold states accountable in situations involving private parties. It obliges states to intervene in these situations and not to simply sit back and remain passive. In essence, the present case opposes two private parties: Caster Semenya on the one side and World Athletics on the other. The only connection of the case to Switzerland is a judgment by its Federal Tribunal reviewing the award rendered by the CAS. Indeed, unlike most international federations, World Athletics is registered in Monaco and not in Switzerland.

The Court’s case law also appears to favour this option. In Mutu and Pechstein, the Court indirectly stated that Switzerland’s positive obligations were at play (paras 65-67). The problem with this approach is that it makes it difficult to test a set of private regulations directly against the Convention. In its Mutu and Pechstein decision, the Court sidestepped this problem by somewhat ignoring Switzerland’s positive obligations. It simply applied the requirements of Article 6 ECHR directly to the CAS proceedings without worrying about the role of Switzerland and its Federal Tribunal.[1] Mutu and Pechstein suggests that the Court is willing to use the positive obligations doctrine and tweak it where it feels it is necessary to uphold athletes’ Convention rights. It is argued here that the Court’s approach in Semenya will be similar since the case raises several fundamental rights questions which have not been dealt with extensively by previous courts.

3.     Substantive issues

a.      Semenya’s right to private life (Article 8 ECHR)

Another crucial question is whether the Court will be willing to rely on its Article 8 ECHR case law relating to transgender persons. A.P., Garçon and Nicot is of particular importance in this context. This case was about a French law making the recognition of transgender persons’ preferred gender conditional on a sterilisation surgery or treatment. The Court stated that this law presented transgender persons not willing to undergo sterilisation with an “impossible dilemma” (para 132). They had to choose between their physical integrity or the legal recognition of their gender identity. The Court deemed this burden to be unnecessary to guarantee the principle of the inalienability of civil status and the need for consistency and reliability of civil-status records and thus in violation of Article 8 ECHR.

The Regulations create a similar dilemma. Despite having been identified by the South African State and identifying herself as a female, Semenya cannot compete in the female category unless she compromises her right to physical integrity by undergoing testosterone lowering treatment. In addition, noncompliance with the Regulations means that she cannot run the middle-distance events she excels at. It is therefore likely that she must give up her international sports career.[2]

It can be argued that both cases are comparable. While it is true that, unlike the French law, the Regulations aim her sports status and not her legal sex, both rules are not so different when one considers the specificity of her profession. As a famous athlete whose life revolves around sport, a mismatch between her legal sex and “sports” sex has major consequences on her life as a professional athlete and beyond. In these special circumstances, it is difficult to strictly differentiate the legal sex from the “sports” sex. Indeed, she finds herself in the very peculiar situation of suddenly having to explain why, after a lifetime of being female for the purposes of both sex categories, she is still female enough for one but not the other. Another distinction between the Regulations and the French law is that the latter contained a sterilization requirement absent in the former. This distinction can be relativised in two ways. Firstly, both set of rules require the same type of medical treatment: surgery or hormone treatment. Secondly, although the Regulations do not require a permanent physical change, the recommended surgical and hormonal treatment may lead to irreversible changes and ultimately sterility.[3]

b.      Semenya’s right to non discrimination (Article 14 ECHR)

Regarding the potential discriminatory nature of the Regulations in the sense of Article 14 ECHR, Semenya will most likely question why the Regulations only institute a testosterone limit for female athletes. This assertion runs up against the legal hurdle of finding an appropriate comparator. For there to be a discrimination, it must in principle be possible to compare Semenya with a class of persons who are treated more favourably. This task is not made easier by the fact that no intersex case has ever been decided by the Court.[4]

In theory, three comparisons are imaginable[5]: a comparison with male, female, or intersex athletes. The viability of each comparator depends on which definition of sex is used.[6] Sex can be understood from a civil status, gender identity or biological standpoint. It is unclear whether the Court will be convinced by World Athletics’ preference for the biological sex definition. World Athletics used this definition to argue that Semenya is “biologically male” for the purpose of athletics and must therefore be compared to male and not female athletes.[7] If the condition of participation is being “biologically female”, there is no discrimination because Semenya is being treated like all the other athletes who do not fulfil this condition.[8] However, the situation completely changes if the biological sex definition is dropped in favour of the others.

4.     Proportionality of the Regulations

Finally, the Court may have to engage in a delicate balancing act between the different interests at stake. On the one hand, there are the interests of World Athletics. As an international federation, it considers it is in the best position to develop the most appropriate rules for dividing females and males for the purpose of athletics. On the other hand, there are the opposing interests of Semenya and her fellow competitors. It is a classic case of competing rights which happen also to be fundamental goals of sport: inclusion vs fairness.[9] Including intersex athletes in the female category might be unfair towards the other female athletes. Contrary to other physical or genetical traits, high levels of testosterone are viewed by some to give intersex athletes an insurmountable advantage over their female competition. By adopting and defending the Regulations, it is clear that World Athletics shares this view and is sensitive to the fairness argument.

One way of avoiding this balancing of interests exercise is to decide that the Regulations are not fit for purpose. Without getting into scientific arguments, it appears safe to affirm that while most experts agree that testosterone has a positive effect on performance, there is still a lack of consensus on the degree of that effect.[10] Both the CAS and the Swiss Federal Tribunal overcame this uncertainty by giving a lot of weight to the statistical overrepresentation of women with DSDs in elite athletics.[11] A striking example of this overrepresentation is the women’s 800 m final at the 2016 Olympics where Semenya and two other athletes with DSDs occupied all three podium places thanks to the suspension of a previous version of the Regulations.

However, an alternative view is plausible. The capability of the Regulations to achieve their goal of ensuring fairness can be called into question on three fronts.

Firstly, there is a twofold problem relating to the quality of the evidence and the conclusions drawn from it. The quality of the evidence is low because in addition to there only existing few studies on the relationship between testosterone and performance, those that do exist rely on flawed data such as double counting athletes and times.[12] Irrespective of the concerns regarding the quality of the evidence used, the conclusions drawn from it are inconsistent because World Athletics’ choice to establish a testosterone limit for some, but not other athletic events is illogical.[13] According to the evidence, female athletes with high levels of testosterone have a competitive advantage in the following athletic disciplines: 400 m (2,73%), 400 m hurdles (2,78%), 800 m (1,78%), hammer throw (4,53%) and pole vault (2,94%).[14] No performance advantage was shown to exist in other athletic disciplines.[15] The inclusion of the 1500 m and one mile events into the Regulations but not the hammer throw and pole vault runs counter to the evidence and the goal of ensuring a level playing field.

Secondly, there appears to be no satisfying answer as to why there is no equivalent testosterone limit for male athletes despite their testosterone levels differing much more significantly[16].

Thirdly, the choice of using testosterone as the determining factor can be called into question. Given the wide range of physical attributes that are helpful in sport, it is not clear what makes testosterone so different from other physical attributes. Would a mix of physical attributes and parameters like the one used in Paralympics not be fairer and more inclusive?[17]

5.     Conclusion

The Semenya case has the potential to appreciably change international federations’ and Switzerland’s relationship with the ECHR. It is shown above that if the Court wants to apply the ECHR directly to the Regulations, it must bend the doctrine of positive obligations. Until now, the Court has not explained its unconventional use of the doctrine. Two explanations are at the Court’s disposal.[18] They are both premised on the idea that Semenya is in a position of dependence towards World Athletics.

Firstly, it is possible to extend the reasoning behind Mutu and Pechstein according to which the CAS (a private Court) must, in situations involving forced arbitration, offer the same fair trial guarantees as a state court, to all types of sports regulations.[19] Indeed, if one accepts that sports arbitration clauses are compulsory, it becomes very difficult to argue that sports regulations in general are not compulsory since the former are contained in the latter.[20]

Secondly, the Court can treat international federations analogous to state-like entities.[21] The relationship between Semenya and World Athletics is akin to that between regular citizens and a state due to the size, power, and monopolistic position it holds in the sport of athletics.[22] The Semenya case exemplifies this power imbalance well. World Athletics’ monopoly means that it can impose the Regulations upon Semenya. She cannot object to this effectively since giving up her international athletics career is not an option as she would put her livelihood at risk.[23]

In the present case, the first explanation is more fitting because World Athletics’ seat is in Monaco and not in Switzerland. If, as argued here, the Court bends the positive obligations doctrine to properly engage with the arguments raised by Semenya, this would give it the opportunity to explain its unusual approach. But even if the Court does not take this opportunity, its unconventional use of the doctrine of positive obligations would still send a message to international federations and Switzerland that they must take ECHR considerations seriously in spite of the private nature of international sports disputes.

Beyond the question of the applicability of the Convention, the Semenya case has the potential to have far-reaching consequences for the world of sports. This is because of the wide-ranging reach of the Court’s decisions and the fact that World Athletics’ policy on intersex athletes is based on a recommendation made by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). As the supreme governing body of global sports, the IOC’s policy on this matter influences sports regulations at all levels throughout the world.

Finally, the case is infused with highly relevant but difficult scientific, sports and societal issues. The discussions around the definition of sex are particularly sensitive in today’s society. The complexity and sensitive nature of the case as well as the clash between two fundamental goals of sport are all ingredients for an extremely contentious fight which will ultimately come down to the judges’ scorecards. Whilst a split decision is likely, controversy is certain.


[1] Franck Latty, "Le TAS marque des points devant la CEDH" (2018) issue 192 Revue juridique et économique du sport 31, 32.

[2] Unless she competes in disciplines not covered by the Regulations. After contemplating competing in events without testosterone limits, Caster Semenya had to give up trying to qualify for the 2020 Olympics in Tokyo.

[3] Mandates of Special Rapporteurs and the Working Group “Special Procedures Communication to the IAAF” (18 September 2018) OL OTH 62/2018 5.

[4] Although this is due to change soon. See C Delrave “Medical “normalisation” of intersex persons: third-party intervention to the ECTHR in the case of M. v. France” (Strasbourg Observers, 7 April 2021).

[5] See generally Robert Wintemute, "Recognising New Kinds of Direct Sex Discrimination: Transsexualism, Sexual Orientation and Dress Codes" (1997) vol 60 issue 3 The Modern Law Review 334, 334-336.

[6] Janis Block, Geschlechtergleichheit im Sport – Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Diskriminierung von trans- und intersexuellen Sportlerinnen unter den Voschriften des Allgemeinen Gleichbehandlungsgesetzes (Schriften zur Gleichstellung Band 39, Nomos 2014) 328-329.

[7] Mokgadi Caster Semenya v International Association of Athletics Federations [2019] Court of Arbitration for Sport 2018/O/57294 para 295.

[8] The same considerations apply under German law (see endnote 6).

[9]The battle over trans athletes in American schools heats up – Inclusivity bumps up against fairnessThe Economist (London, 5 September 2020).

[10] Mokgadi Caster Semenya v International Association of Athletics Federations paras 473-538.

[11] ibid para 527 and Judgment of DSD Regulations [2020] Swiss Federal Tribunal 4A_248/2019 and 4A_398/2019 para 9.8.3.4.

[12] Roger Pielke Jr, Ross Tucker and Erik Boye, “Scientific Integrity and the IAAF testosterone regulations” (2019) vol 19 issue 1-2 International Sports Law Journal 18, 21-22.

[13] See also Matthieu Maisonneuve, "Tribunal arbitral du sport, Mokgadi Caster Semenya & Athletics South Africa c/ International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) c/ Suisse, sentence du 30 avril 2019" (2019) issue 3 Revue de l’Arbitrage 941, 955.

[14] Mokgadi Caster Semenya v International Association of Athletics Federations para 338.

[15] ibid.

[16] The normal range for men is 8-30 nmol/L compared to 0.1-1.8 nmol/L for women. See “What Caster Semenya’s case means for women’s sportThe Economist (London, 8 May 2019).

[17] Maayan Sudai “The testosterone rule – constructing fairness in professional sport” (2017) vol 4 issue 1 Journal of Law and the Biosciences 181, 193.

[18] Maisonneuve (n 13) 964-965.

[19] Björn Hessert, “Cooperation and reporting obligations in sporting investigations” (2020) issue 3-4 International Sports Law Journal 145, 149.

[20] ibid.

[21] Latty (n 1) 32.

[22] French authors speak of the similarity between the "Sporting power" and "State power". See for instance Clémentine Legendre, "La soumission de la Puissance sportive à la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme: réflexions à partir de l’arrêt Mutu et Pechstein" (2020) issue 11 Recueil Dalloz 618.

[23] Hessert (n 20) 149.

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Asser International Sports Law Blog | The EU State aid and Sport Saga: Hungary’s tax benefit scheme revisited? (Part 1)

Asser International Sports Law Blog

Our International Sports Law Diary
The Asser International Sports Law Centre is part of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut

The EU State aid and Sport Saga: Hungary’s tax benefit scheme revisited? (Part 1)

The tax benefit scheme in the Hungarian sport sector decision of 9 November 2011 marked a turning point as regards the Commission’s decisional practice in the field of State aid and sport. Between this date and early 2014, the Commission reached a total of ten decisions on State aid to sport infrastructure and opened four formal investigations into alleged State aid to professional football clubs like Real Madrid and Valencia CF.[1] As a result of the experience gained from the decision making, it was decided to include a Section on State aid to sport infrastructure in the 2014 General Block Exemption Regulation. Moreover, many people, including myself, held that Commission scrutiny in this sector would serve to achieve better accountability and transparency in sport governance.[2]

Yet, a recent report by Transparency International (TI), published in October 2015, raises questions about the efficiency of State aid enforcement in the sport sector. The report analyzes the results and effects of the Hungarian tax benefit scheme and concludes that:

“(T)he sports financing system suffers from transparency issues and corruption risks. (…) The lack of transparency poses a serious risk of collusion between politics and business which leads to opaque lobbying. This might be a reason for the disproportionateness found in the distribution of the subsidies, which is most apparent in the case of (football) and (the football club) Felcsút.”[3]

In other words, according to TI, selective economic advantages from public resources are being granted to professional football clubs, irrespective of the tax benefit scheme greenlighted by the Commission or, in fact, because of the tax benefit scheme.

One would expect TI’s report to be a wake-up call for the Commission, triggering it, as “Guardian of the Treaties”, to re-investigate Hungary’s tax benefit scheme without delay. Further incentives to scrutinize the matter is provided by the Hungarian MEP Péter Niedermüller, who in November 2015 officially asked the Commission whether it intended to review its earlier decision to authorize the tax benefit scheme. The Commission’s answer, seen here below, indicates that immediate action is not to be expected.


Not satisfied with this answer, Niedermüller replied that even though the Commission had authorized the tax scheme in 2011, it does not absolve it “from the obligation to proceed with the appropriate care thereafter and to monitor whether the system is operating in accordance with the objectives originally set”.

The overall aim of this two-part blog is to analyze the rules and procedures surrounding the monitoring of previously authorized aid schemes in the sports sector by the Commission. It will use the tax benefit scheme in the Hungarian sport sector decision as a starting point, describing the objective and the functioning of the aid scheme, as well as the conditions and obligations for Hungary and the Commission attached to it. In continuation, basing myself on the findings and conclusions drawn in the report, I will try to determine whether the current practice in Hungary deviates from the original objectives and conditions of the aid scheme, and what the consequences of such a deviation could be. Do the State aid rules impose an obligation upon the Commission to act and, if so, in what way? Furthermore, could the Hungarian case make one reconsider the usefulness of State aid rules to achieve better accountability and transparency in sport in general? 


The tax benefit scheme in the Hungarian sport sector decision

A description of the scheme

In April 2011, the Hungarian authorities notified the Commission of their plans to introduce a tax benefit scheme with the aim of developing the country’s sport sector.[4] More specifically, via the scheme, they hoped to “increase the participation of the general public in sport activities, by inter alia, promoting mass sport events, training of the young generations as well ensuring adequate sport infrastructure and equipment for the general public”. Due to the existence of a market failure (i.e. a situation where individual market investors do not invest even though this would be efficient from a wider economic perspective), Hungary saw itself obligated to provide public money to the sport sector in order to achieve the aforementioned objectives.[5]

Under the scheme, which will run until 30 June 2017, corporations (operating in any sector that is subject to corporate tax) can choose to donate money to sport organizations, both amateur and professional. Sport organizations may use these resources to train the young generation, cover personnel expenses and to construct/renovate sport infrastructure. The donations would be deducted from the corporation’s taxable income and from their tax liability.[6] Hungary decided to focus the aid scheme on the five most popular team sports in the country, i.e. football, basketball, ice hockey, water polo and handball. The reasoning behind this choice is that the scheme would not only benefit the sport organizations themselves, but also the sportsmen and sportswomen using the facilities, as well as the general public interested in attending the sporting events.[7] Sport organizations wishing to receive donations have to elaborate a development programme (DP), in which they outline the planned use of the donations. The DPs are evaluated by the respective national sport governing bodies (SGBs), who decide whether the sport organization is eligible for the donations. Once the SGBs approve a DP, the sport organizations may approach corporations willing to donate money to them.[8]

In the specific case of donations used for the construction, renovation or maintenance of sport infrastructures, Hungary notified the Commission that it had introduced a monitoring system that serves to avoid any misuse of the donations or cross-subsidizations of other activities of sport organizations. The so-called Controlling Authority (a public entity falling directly under the Ministry of National Resources) monitors compliance of donators and beneficiaries with the central price benchmarking mechanism regarding rental and operation fees of the infrastructure, introduced to limit the distortion of competition arising from the tax benefit scheme.[9]  


The Commission’s decision

As stated above, the donations should be used to fund the development of sport infrastructure, train the youth teams and cover personnel expenses. The Commission agreed with Hungary that the training of youth teams falls outside the scope of EU State aid rules, in line with the 2001 Commission Decision Subventions publiques aux clubs sportifs professionels. Donations used to cover personnel costs could be falling under the General Block Exemption Regulation[10] or the de minimis aid Regulation.[11] Compliance with the two Regulations is a task for the Hungarian authorities.[12] Consequently, and taking into account that amateur sport clubs are generally not considered to be undertakings within the meaning of Article 107(1) TFEU, the tax benefit scheme in the Hungarian sport sector decision only covers aid for the infrastructures used by the professional sport organizations.

Although the tax benefit scheme fulfilled the criteria of Article 107(1), and thus constituted State aid, the Commission declared the scheme compatible with EU law under Article 107(3)c) TFEU. Importantly, the Commission held that the scheme was introduced in a sufficiently transparent and proportionate manner, i.e. that the measure was well-designed to fulfil the objective of developing the country’s sport sector.[13] Moreover, the Commission acknowledged the special characteristics of sport and held that the objective of the scheme is in line with the overall objectives of sport as stipulated in Article 165 TFEU, namely that the EU “shall contribute to the promotion of European sporting issues”, because the sport sector “has enormous potential for bringing the citizens of Europe together, reaching out to all, regardless of age or social origin”.[14]

It is worth mentioning that the Commission took a very similar approach in its decisions on the other State aid measures granted for sport infrastructure. It considers a sport infrastructure as embodying a typical State responsibility for which the granting of State aid is a well-defined objective of common interest.[15]

Finally, to ensure that the monitoring and transparency obligations are carried out properly, the Commission requires Hungary to submit an annual report to the Commission, containing inter alia, information on the total aid amount allocated on the basis of this scheme, the sport infrastructure projects funded, their aid intensities, their beneficiaries, the parameters applied for benchmarking prices, the rents effectively paid by the professional sport organizations, as well as a description on the benefits provided to the general public and on the multifunctional usage of the infrastructures.[16] There is no requirement to publish this annual report. Therefore, assessing whether the information provided by Hungary to the Commission is in line with the actual practice in the country is currently extremely difficult. 


Transparency International report, “Corruption Risks in Hungarian Sports Financing”

The tax benefit scheme in the Hungarian sport sector decision looked like a blue print for the way in which public authorities could grant State aid to the sport sector: It was aimed at a wide scope of recipients and the general public would benefit as well, transparency was guaranteed, monitoring and compliance mechanisms were introduced and, last but not least, it was notified in advance to the European Commission. 


Lack of transparency

However, TI’s report shows that, four years after the scheme was launched, little remains of all those good intentions. To start with, TI claims that Hungary’s objective was not to increase the participation of the general public in sport activities, but simply to make Hungarian football clubs “excel at the European and international levels”.[17] TI’s primary finding is that there is a flagrant lack of transparency on every level regarding the scheme. Most of the data collected in the report was obtained by TI through freedom of information requests.[18]

The first flaw in the scheme is that under Hungarian national laws and regulations, there is no obligation to disclose the identity of the donating corporations. Consequently, even though the SGBs keep count of which clubs are entitled to receive donations and how much they actually received, many questions remain on how the money is distributed in practice.

TI also questions the integrity of the clubs’ eligibility process. The Hungarian SGBs, who are in charge of selecting the clubs worthy of receiving donations, are to a large extent run by people with close ties to the Hungarian Government.[19] Moreover, for the selection process, the SBGs do not need to provide a reasoning behind the decision to choose or not to choose a club worthy of donations. As TI states, the tax benefit scheme poses a serious threat to transparency and accountability, and can lead to illicit lobbying and backroom deals between politicians, businessmen and clubs. 


Disproportionate distribution of beneficiaries

The advantage of using a general tax scheme as a State aid measure is that it leads to many different beneficiaries and is therefore considered as one of the least distortive type of state intervention.[20] However, the functioning of this particular tax benefit scheme creates the exact opposite result a few clubs are clearly favored. According to the report, the subsidies from the tax scheme totaled €649 million in four years. An amount of €240 million was specifically designated for football clubs, 37% of the total amount. Of all the money donated to football, 28% (or €68 million) went specifically to 13 football clubs, who, perhaps unsurprisingly, all play in Hungary’s highest football league.[21] Of these 13 football clubs, Puskás Akadémia FC received by far the highest amount, no less than €30 million. Puskás Akadémia FC plays in Hungary’s top division, but also functions as the youth team of Videoton FC, one of Hungary’s biggest and most successful clubs. Interestingly enough, Puskás Akadémia FC was founded in 2007 by the current Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. 


Unnecessary construction of new sport infrastructure?

The Hungarian authorities expressed the need in 2011 for adequate sport infrastructure facilities. Due to a market failure, it was necessary for the State to step in and provide the necessary funds, albeit by means of a tax benefit scheme. The Commission agreed with Hungary that there is a lack of investments in sport infrastructure and that using public money to do so is an objective of common interest.[22] The TI report indicates that especially the Hungarian football stadiums have undergone significant upgrades since 2011, but at the same time questions the necessity to use public funds for these upgrades. Hungarian professional football has not been attracting more people to stadiums since 2011. The country’s highest division averaged only 4,897 spectators per game for the 2014/15 season, 624 less than in the previous year.[23] An example of potential unnecessary construction of sport infrastructure is the “Nagyerdei” stadium, opened in 2014,  in the city of Debrecen. The stadium, that can hold over 20,000 spectators, cost €40 million to construct. However, with a match average of 3,400,[24] one wonders whether the construction of this stadium was an objective of common interest, or whether there was another, hidden, agenda. Referring to the well-reported, including by the European Commission, close relationships between Hungary’s businesses and its political elite, TI points to the realistic possibility that the construction and renovation of (football) stadiums through public procurement procedures, was simply a way to for contractors to “finance the economic orbit of influential politicians in return for all manners of political and financial favours”.[25]  


Interim conclusion

TI’s report clearly shows that there is a huge discrepancy between Hungary’s intention to devise a tax benefit scheme benefitting to the entire sport sector, as notified to the Commission in 2011, and the actual operation of the scheme. The necessity for new and renovated football infrastructure appears superfluous and the tax benefit scheme itself proved to be more beneficial for some clubs, particularly Puskás Akadémia FC. Furthermore, the Commission decision declaring the tax benefit scheme compatible with EU law highlighted the transparency of the scheme and acclaimed its monitoring mechanisms. More than four years on, it can be concluded that the scheme is far from transparent and questions can be raised on the independence and functioning of the monitoring mechanisms. Assuming that the Commission receives annual reports by the Hungarian authorities on the tax benefit scheme, why has it not undertaken any action? Is it simply a matter of unwillingness or could the answer be found in EU State aid law and its procedural rules itself? The next part of this blog will analyze the rules and procedures surrounding the monitoring of previously authorized aid schemes by the Commission, and determine whether Commission action can be expected.



[1] An explanation on why the public financing of sports infrastructure and professional sports clubs only started to attract State aid scrutiny in recent years can be read in: Ben Van Rompuy and Oskar van Maren, “EU Control of State Aid to Professional Sport: Why Now?” Forthcoming in: “The Legacy of Bosman. Revisiting the relationship between EU law and sport”, T.M.C. Asser Press, 2016.

[2] See for example Oskar van Maren, “EU State Aid Law and Professional Football: A threat or a Blessing?”, European State Aid Law Quarterly, Volume 15 1/2016, pages 31-46.

[3] Transparency International, “Corruption Risks in Hungarian Sports Financing”, page 41.

[4] Commission Decision of 9 November 2011, SA.31722 – Hungary - Supporting the Hungarian sport sector via tax benefit scheme, paras 2-3.

[5] Ibid., paras 88-90.

[6] Ibid., paras 15-16.

[7] Ibid., paras 28-34.

[8] Transparency International report of 22 October 2015, “Corruption Risks in Hungarian Sports Financing”, page 31.

[9] Commission Decision SA.31722, paras 37-39.

[10] The GBER applicable at the time the decision was taken was Commission Regulation No800/2008 of 6 August 2008.

[11] Commission Decision SA.31722, para 10.

[12] Ibid., para 64.

[13] Ibid., paras 95-98.

[14] Ibid., paras 86-87.

[15] See for example Commission Decision of 20 March 2013, SA.35135 Multifunktionsarena der Stadt Erfurt, para 14.

[16] Commission Decision SA.31722, para 57.

[17] Transparency International report, page 29.

[18] Ibid., page 31.

[19] Ibid., page 32. TI points out that the chairman of the Hungarian FA is CEO of the country’s biggest commercial bank and close to the Government.

[20] Commission Decision SA.31722, para 20.

[21] The TI report actually mentions the clubs as well as their youth academia. The 13 clubs are: Puskás Akadémia FC (aka Felcsút FC, the youth team of Videoton FC); Ferencváros; Újpest FC; Vasas SC; Szolnoki MÁV FC; Debreceni VSC; Diósgyőri VTK; Zalaegerszegi TE; OVI-FOCI; Illés Sport Alapítvány; Budapest Honvéd FC; Balmazújvárosi FC and; Békéscsaba 1912 Előre.

[22] Commission Decision SA.31722, paras 91-93.

[23] Transparency International report, page 38.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Ibid., page 42.

Comments (1) -

  • Colin MIEGE

    5/18/2016 5:51:33 PM |

    This is a very good and deeply investigating paper.
    Congratulations!

Comments are closed