Editor’s note: Rhys Lenarduzzi recently completed a Bachelor of Law (LL.B) and Bachelor of Philosophy (B.Phil.) at the University of Notre Dame, Sydney, Australia. As a former professional athlete, then international sports agent and consultant, Rhys is interested in international sports law, policy and ethics. He is currently undertaking an internship at the T.M.C. Asser Institute with a focus on Transnational Sports Law.

As one may have gathered from the series thus far, the question that comes out of this endeavour for me, is whether redistribution in football would be better divorced from the transfer system?

In my introductory blog I point towards historical, cultural, and of course the legal explanations as to why redistribution was established, and why it might be held onto despite obvious flaws. In my second blog, I point out how the training compensation and solidarity mechanisms work in practice through an African case study, as well as the hindrance caused and the Eurocentricity of the regulations. The key take-away from my third blog on the non-application of training compensation in women’s football might be that training compensation should apply to both men’s and women’s football, or neither. The sweeping generalisation that men’s and women’s football are different as justification for the non-application to the women’s game is not palatable, given inter alia the difference between the richest and poorest clubs in men’s football. Nor is it palatable that the training compensation mechanism is justified in men’s football to incentivise training, yet not in women’s football.

In the fourth blog of this series, I raise concerns that the establishment of the Clearing House prolongs the arrival of a preferable alternative system. The feature of this final blog is to consider alternatives to the current systems. This endeavour is manifestly two-fold; firstly, are there alternatives? Secondly, are they better? 

1. Is training compensation necessary to incentivise training?

It might be the case that this question does not receive adequate attention. Though we are told there exists a need to incentivise training and the system as it stands is justified by this notion, is that truly what the redistributive mechanisms in the current form achieve? Furthermore, for all the flaws in reasoning and hindrance created by the mechanisms, is it really worth it?

During my time as an agent, I have personally never heard from a director or executive of a football club, the words or sentiment that, time - effort - money placed towards their youth football programs is done so solely, predominantly, or at all in anticipation of training compensation or solidarity payments.  Nor have I ever come across the sentiment from within any club, that a club would not care for or abandon its youth programs without the ‘dangling carrot’ of potential compensation. FIFA now refer to the redistributive mechanisms as ‘training rewards’, though one may reasonably struggle to connect these training rewards with a true definition of incentive. It appears more likely to be the case that any desire or expectation to be rewarded or compensated is an after the fact conclusion, when a player progresses professionally and a training club concludes that they are part of the reason for that players’ success. In a macro sense, given how infrequent it is for a training club to develop a professional, this seems to add weight to an argument that compensation does not create the purported incentive, or at least that clubs do not rely on the prospect.  It is because of this that I tend to lean towards the view that the incentivisation to train youth as a justification for redistributive measures may not have aged well. In any event, it would be interesting to test that intuition derived from experience, through a proper social scientific survey of clubs. Systems with such far-reaching implications should be grounded in a proper study of the socio-economic drivers of the training of football players.

On the other hand, the possibility of attracting large and exciting transfer fees is often spoken about within club walls.  For these ‘selling clubs’ with a clear intention to invest in youth and capitalise later in the form of transfer fees, such fees may be seen as compensation of sorts, but more likely as a remuneration for a deliberate though hardly risk-free investment. Moreover, these clubs do not simply abandon their first team and focus on youth and potential transfers exclusively. First team squads are also the beneficiary of strong youth systems and commonly the main reason a club invests in youth. Additionally, clubs can have a strong connection to their communities and see a combined duty and benefit of having strong youth programs. Clubs not only play a role in sustaining the social fabric of the communities to which they are situated, but benefit commercially through the many ways in which fans add value.

If it is true that compensation does not amount to incentivisation, then it is difficult to conclude that it is necessary. However, even if training compensation and the solidarity mechanism are not deemed necessary, a strong case can still be made for redistribution so long as the gap between wealthy and poor clubs remains or grows, and entire continents continue to be nurseries and the source of the muscle drain.

2. Imagining Alternative Redistributive Mechanisms

Proposing an alternative to the existing FIFA systems of redistribution is a difficult task. I have raised the concern of the Eurocentricity of the current regulations, and in proposing something else, one must be mindful that these are global regulations. If one suggests a form of taxation or tariff to redistribute, awareness of the myriad cultural differences on taxation and the multiplicity of enforcement contexts might be important. Also, whilst I have raised the question on whether compensation ought to be divorced from the transfer system, reasons for redistributing at all should be axiomatically better than not having a system of redistribution.

Intent and what is to be achieved needs to be clear. Is the ideal system of redistribution in place to reward ‘something’ or should redistribution be directed more deliberately and where it is needed, acting as welfare of a kind? I have already suggested that compensation does not incentivise clubs, though conversely, might clubs be disincentivised to grow if they only remain the beneficiaries of redistribution insofar as they stay sufficiently small and poor, whatever that threshold might be? Or could a system still incentivise growth, with clubs the beneficiaries of an amount that would not be enough to sustain themselves in full, yet enough to help them to continue to grow and commercialise? Whether greater commercialisation is a desirable change is another worthwhile question.

Despite the difficulties in suggesting an alternative, one can hope that a system of redistribution can be non-discriminative, does not create the hindrance effect to the current extent or encourage risky circumvention of the regulations (see blog 2 for detail), and is able to attain its legitimate aims. I would submit that the current systems do not tick these boxes. In this section, I provide some food for thought regarding potential alternatives, though I must caveat that I am not an economist and have not yet settled on an alternative myself.

a)     Coubertobin Tax

I will begin this section by introducing Andreff’s Coubertobin tax, in the interest of highlighting that others have thought about alternative systems of redistribution and have perhaps proposed alternatives that are arguably better than the current systems. Whilst I hope to present the Coubertobin tax adequately, one will need to read Andreff for the full picture.  Though valuable food for thought, I do not endorse the Coubertobin tax per se, as it has its flaws and remains connected to the transfer system, albeit to a lesser extent.

Inspired by a mix of the economic thought of James Tobin and Pierre de Coubertin, the idea of a Coubertobin tax “is to levy a tax at a 1 % rate on all transfer fees and initial wages agreed on in each labour contract signed by athletes and players from developing countries with foreign partners.”[1]

The objectives are as follows:

1. slightly covering the education and training cost, for his/her home developing country, of any athlete or player transferred abroad;
2. providing a stronger disincentive to transfer an athlete or a player from a developing country, the younger he/she is when the transfer takes place;
3. thus, slowing down the muscle drain from developing countries and toward professional player markets in developed countries; and
4. accruing revenues to a fund for sports development in the home developing country from the tax levied on every athlete or player transfer abroad.[2]

There is little wonder why Andreff desires to redistribute to developing countries. He has done extensive work on the correlation between economic prosperity and sporting success. This list is by no means exhaustive, but for instance, he writes extensively on the muscle drain, where athletes from developing nations move for financial and developmental reasons, which creates a myriad of follow-on issues to the home-country. He identifies the toll poverty takes on a developing country’s domestic leagues and competitions due to the muscle drain and the inability to train professionals to a world class standard. He notes that some athletes defect to other nations early and qualify for the adopted country’s national team. Per Andreff and in summary “the overall context of sport underdevelopment does not provide a strong incentive for talented players to stay in their home country even if a professional championship does exist there.”[3]

Andreff’s proposal is not set in stone and an admirable element to his work on the matter is the consistent offering of caveats that suggest, with more study and/or work, a certain piece of the Coubertobin system may benefit from amendment. Andreff describes his system as “a solution (not a panacea) which is likely to alleviate, along with some of the financial problems of developing countries, the aforementioned problem of the muscle drain.”[4] Most relevant is perhaps the idea that, the younger the player is in question regarding a transfer, the higher the tax (see suggested formulae).[5] This he submits, may put a brake on the muscle drain at such early ages, or result in greater amounts of money moved to developing nations if a club wishes to recruit a player at a significantly young age.

Andreff acknowledges hindrances, though takes a macro view that encompasses protecting minors, as well as strengthening local leagues in developing countries given the talent will remain for longer periods. One can envisage an additional positive result, in having young athletes finish non-football education having stayed at home until a later date.

Though this is my interpretation, I suspect Andreff finds it an easy task to identify the beneficiaries or winners of these transactions and therefore those parties should be the ones who pay the Coubertobin tax, on “the bill for the transfer fee and the first year wage”.[6]

Andreff raises the concern of “bargaining and corruption surrounding the tax collection in developing countries”,[7] though offers a plausible solution. “[T]he collection of the Coubertobin tax should be monitored and supervised by an international organization, either an existing one (UNDP or the World Bank) or an ad hoc one to be created.”[8] This is plausible as it is not so different to the way FIFA intends to outsource the operation of the Clearing House to a suitable and reputable organisation that would be subject to audit (see blog 4).

Andreff admits the tax “would meet with both hindrance and resistance”,[9] it would “not be easy to implement and enforce insofar as it has to be accepted on a worldwide basis”,[10] the system would contain administrative costs that would need sorting and ironing out, and there would need to be a method for disputes and perhaps fines for non-compliance.  Even so, the Coubertobin tax provides much food for thought as it is proposed for all professional sport and not just football. It attempts to address the muscle drain and the taxes proposed may prove less a hindrance than the current FIFA systems.

b)    Abolishment and Free Market Economics

If this was day one of football, there might be a strong argument for a free market approach, with emphasis on club management to make sure intelligent decisions are made to sustain clubs, with wealth the responsibility of the clubs themselves. However, we are not at the beginning of football.  Certain clubs in certain regions are the victims of much more than mismanagement, adding weight to an argument for a need to redistribute equitably.

As it stands, an equitable system or one where redistribution is directed to where it is most needed, is not in place and has not been proposed. Could it be the case, at least in the interim, that the free market is the best and fairest? The current systems appear at least somewhat a case of over-regulation with side effects that were not, or could not have been anticipated, like the hindrance effect and the pressures on vulnerable clubs to waive compensation to name just a couple.  It then seems defensible to abolish systems that do not work in the interim, than to hang on to those flawed systems until a better proposal is put forth. Instead, all efforts could be placed into study and research to remedy the obvious flaws.

Conversely, the free market in modern football would not appear to improve the situation for the kind of club I have identified frequently throughout this series, and although it may eliminate the hindrance effect, destination clubs would have their pick of players and poor clubs would undoubtedly lose all talent. Furthermore, if a system of redistribution was to be created that clearly improved football and the free-market approach had been adopted in the interim, a valid consideration might be the difficulty the relevant bodies would have in re-introducing a system of redistribution, having gone back to the free market for a period.  It is for these reasons that I can not endorse such an approach, however sympathetic I am to abolishment and the idea of alleviating hindrance and promoting free movement.

c)     FIFA Funded Solidarity: A New Model

As he addressed the Confederation of African Football’s (CAF) 42nd ordinary general assembly, FIFA President Gianni Infantino said, “I believe in Africa. I count on Africa, and you can count on me to help you to bring Africa to the top.” However admirable and applaudable are the purported goals of FIFA for Africa, and the sentiment warm, one cannot help but wonder if this African project, relevant to this blog series, could not be expedited by a substantial FIFA based investment. Infantino went on to say, “I want to see at least 50 national teams and 50 clubs from all over the world that can compete for the title of world champions with realistic chances of winning. And why shouldn’t Africa be at the top, with the incredible talent that we see shining every week, mainly in Europe’s top clubs? I am convinced it’s only a matter of commitment, work and engagement by all of us together.”

To answer the President’s question, one cannot see African clubs on top in a global sense, so long as all the best African players play, as the President said, in Europe. Further, we will continue to be less likely to see an African national team win a World Cup, whilst some of the best African players play for other nations to which they moved when they were younger, and whilst African federations are unable to organise like European federations, given they do not have the same resources.  I could of course go on, but one likely gathers my point. 

So, could FIFA make an investment sufficient to prop up Africa as it supposedly desires? Perhaps. How about an amount equal to the frequently referred gap between what is owed and paid when it comes to the redistributive mechanisms of FIFA? Could FIFA at least cover that gap? If one considers the annual financial reports, certainly, and probably further and in a more specific and deliberate fashion. Surely direct, targeted investment is preferable to leaving redistribution to the whim of a club’s good fortune to have registered a player that would go on to be a professional. That is, of course, if that player’s club did not have to waive training compensation to render a transfer possible.

The FIFA Forward Development Programme is described by FIFA as “global football development and the way we share the success of the FIFA World Cup”. It is an encouraging and frankly exciting initiative, and again one must applaud the efforts. Under the Infantino administration, FIFA has pledged more funding in this way than ever before. “On 13 June 2018, the FIFA Congress decided to increase investment in the FIFA Forward Development Programme still further for the next cycle of 2019-2022 with a 20% increase in the annual entitlement for each of the 211 member associations and six confederations.”

Anyone can go to the webpage for the FIFA Forward Programme, roll their cursor over the interactive map and see that FIFA are investing money in places of need. Disappointingly, not overly specific information is provided regarding the exact use of funding, though there are encouraging articles that unpack some of the investments and initiatives and these efforts should be commended (the FIFA Foundation Community Programme is another example of some of the encouraging work being done).  One element that is interesting and appealing within these funding programs, is the toying with an application process to be granted some form of investment. This perhaps shows an increased awareness that money ought to be distributed specifically and deliberately, to address a genuine need. Though not a trial per se, this kind of process could be used as one and may turn out to be preferable to clubs in need, who would for instance prefer to bypass the national association if that relationship is not so sturdy.   

At first glance, the almost even allocation of investment per member association found in Circular no. 1659 - FIFA Forward Development Programme – regulations (FIFA Forward 2.0) may seem equitable, though taking into account that some of the wealthier associations may be the beneficiaries of the systemic exploitation and drain that has featured in this blog series, might render the near even distribution questionable. Whilst “an additional amount of up to USD 1,000,000 is available for member associations with an annual revenue of USD 4 million or less”, one might reasonably wonder if that amount of extra funding to smaller and/or poorer associations is sufficient to affect real change.

Whilst I hope I have made clear that FIFA’s efforts ought to be commended, the overarching theme of this section is to consider if more could be done and if so, might those extra efforts to distribute funds be preferable and able to replace the current systems of redistribution connected to the transfer system. I do not find impressive the self-congratulatory theme of the statement from Alejandro Domínguez, Chairman of the FIFA Finance Committee, of being hundreds of millions of dollars under budget in the 2019 annual report, as well as possessing “sufficient liquidity”. FIFA, a not-for-profit organisation, was delighted to report that “at the 2019 year-end, total assets had increased to USD 4,504 million (four billion, five hundred and four million), chiefly made up of cash and financial assets (82%). Reserves also remained at a very satisfactory level at USD 2,586 million (two billion, five hundred and eighty-six million), clearly above the amount budgeted.”[11]

Proposing FIFA fund more redistribution is not a risk free, nor a concern free proposition, but it does appear the idea could be taken more seriously by the relevant stakeholders. FIFA’s predominate money maker is the FIFA World Cup, which is in a sense, a way of using the produce of the richest clubs in the world, which have in turn benefitted from some of the poorest clubs nursing the players until they are of age. FIFA, filling the frequently mentioned gap from the profits of the World Cup makes as much sense as any proposal. Is this not simply a case of, if more can be done then more should be done? Going off FIFA’s reports, it has the resources.

Within this potential alternative, where FIFA are responsible for raising and redistributing funding that would otherwise supposedly come from the current redistribution systems, is a change to the modality of redistribution. From what is currently intimately connected to training and transfers, this alternative provides for the much-needed decoupling, not only based on the philosophical flaws, but additionally due to the preferable practical implications that divorcing redistribution, training and the transfer market could achieve. In terms of a body or mechanism to implement an alternative like this, how might a Clearing House kind of project unfold, that adopts a specific and deliberate ethos to distributing FIFA funds? To expand, following a substantial process of planning and allocation of adequate resources, the creation of a specific arm dedicated to researching and identifying those areas of football most in need, as well as receiving and vetting applications for funding. Might that or a similar solution be achievable? It could be in-house or outsourced the same way the Clearing House is intended to be, geared to make suggestions, provide expert economic advice and proposals, reporting its findings back to FIFA for an extra layer of approval. Food for thought in any case.

3. Concluding Remarks

There is a core of wealth in football that has benefitted from, been propped up by, and drained the periphery. It is important to ensure the strength and survival of football outside this core of wealth and to actively make sure value is added to the periphery. Football needs to promote this notion and in doing so ask the question, where will the big clubs turn for talent and youth if those reservoirs which they drain are emptied and unable to continue to produce talent? 

If one is convinced that it is not necessary to incentivise training, that the current regulations have significant negative effects, that any system of redistribution should be non-discriminative, provide minimal hindrance to free movement and pursue deliberate legitimate aims, then one is in favour of overhaul. Further then, surely there is an obligation to address what can be in the immediate sense. Namely, to either default to the free market, until a convincing system of redistribution is created, or perhaps preferably, for FIFA to take the reins and fund redistribution to the periphery of football to a greater extent.

[1] Wladimir Andreff (2001). The correlation between economic underdevelopment and sport. European Sport Management Quarterly, 1, p.274.

[2] Wladimir Andreff, “A Coubertobin Tax Against Muscle Drain”, 4th Play the Game Conference: Governance in Sport: The Good, the Bad & the Ugly, Copenhagen, 6-10 November (2005) p.10.

[3] Ibid, p.5.

[4] Ibid, p.9.

[5] Ibid, p.11.

[6] Ibid, p.12.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] FIFA Annual Report 2019 p.124.

This post offers a basic literature review on publications on international and European sports law in 2015. It does not have the pretence of being complete (our readers are encouraged to add references and links in the comments under this blog), but aims at covering a relatively vast sample of the 2015 academic publications in the field (we have used the comprehensive catalogue of the Peace Palace Library as a baseline for this compilation). When possible we have added hyperlinks to the source.^[1]

Have a good read.

Books

Stefano Bastianon (ed.), La sentenza Bosman vent'anni dopo. Aspetti giuridico-economici della sentenza che ha cambiato il calcio professionistico europeo (Giappichelli, Torino 2015)

Stefano Bastianon (ed.), L'Europa e lo sport. Profili giuridici, economici e sociali. Atti del 4° Convegno (Bergamo, 26 novembre 2014) (Giappichelli, Torino 2015)

Frédéric Buy & al (ed.), Droit du sport (L.G.D.J, Paris 2015)

Johnny Maeschalk et al., Sportrecht (Die Keure, Brugge, 2015)

Mathieu Maisonneuve (ed.), Droit et olympisme : contribution à l'étude juridique d'un phénomène transnational, (Presses Universitaires d'Aix-Marseille, Aix en Provence 2015)

Despina Mavromati and Matthieu Reeb, The Code of the Court of Arbitration for Sport : commentary, cases and materials (Wolters Kluwer, Alphen aan den Rijn 2015)

David McArdle, Dispute Resolution in Sport: Athletes, Law and Arbitration (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, London, New York 2015)

Patrick Meier, Dopingsanktion durch Zahlungsversprechen: das Beispiel der Ehrenerklärungen des Weltradsportverbands UCI (Duncker and Humblot, Berlin 2015)

Mario Merget, Beweisführung im Sportgerichtsverfahren am Beispiel des direkten und indirekten Dopingnachweises (Duncker and Humblot, Berlin 2015)

Katarina Pijetlovic, EU sports law and breakaway leagues in football (Asser Press, The Hague 2015)

Moritz Tauschwitz, Die Dopingverfolgung in Deutschland und Spanien. Eine strafrechtliche und kriminologische Untersuchung (Duncker and Humblot, Berlin 2015)

Klaus Vieweg (ed.), Lex Sportiva (Duncker and Humblot, Berlin 2015)

Klaus Vieweg, Gert-Peter Brüggemann, Franz Steinle (ed.), "Techno-Doping": Leistungssteigerung durch technische Hilfsmittel aus naturwissenschaftlicher und juristischer Perspektive (Boorberg, Stuttgart 2015)

Klaus Vieweg (ed.), Impulse des Sportrechts (Duncker and Humblot, Berlin 2015)

Marjolaine Viret, Evidence in Anti-Doping at the Intersection of Science & Law (T.M.C. Asser Press, 2016)

Markus Zimmermann, Vertragsstabilität im internationalen Fußball : unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Rechtsprechung der FIFA und des CAS (Richard Boorberg, Stuttgart 2015)

Academic Journals[2]

The International Sports Law Journal

Antonio Rigozzi, Ulrich Haas, Emily Wisnosky, Marjolaine Viret, Breaking down the process for determining a basic sanction under the 2015 World Anti-Doping Code, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 3-48

Elena Atienza-Macias, 2015 WADA code comes into effect: significant changes in the Spanish legal arena, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 49-54

Antoine Duval, Cocaine, doping and the court of arbitration for sport, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 55-63 

Corinna Coors, Are sports image rights assets? A legal, economic and tax perspective, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 64-68

Simon Boyes, Legal protection of athletes’ image rights in the United Kingdom, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 69-82

Tom Serby, The Council of Europe Convention on Manipulation of Sports Competitions: the best bet for the global fight against match-fixing?, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 83-100

Jonathan Liljeblad, Foucault, justice, and athletes with prosthetics: the 2008 CAS Arbitration Report on Oscar Pistorius,  June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 101-111

Jacob Kornbeck, Lisbonisation without regulation: engaging with sport policy to maximise its health impact?, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 112-122

Sergey Yurlov, Right to participate in sporting competition: a human right or legal fiction and the Russian legal framework for sport, June 2015, Volume 15, Issue 1, pp 123-127

SpuRt: Zeitschrift für Sport und Recht

Fabian Stancke, ‘Pechstein und der aktuelle Stand des Sportkartel‘ (2015), Volume 22, Issue 2, 46-51

Jan F. Orth, Martin Stopper, ‘Entscheidungsvollzug in der Verbandspyramide und Ausbildungsentschädigung‘ (2015), Volume 22, Issue 2, 51-56

Philipp Wackerbeck, ‘Das Aus der Spielervermittlerlizenz und das "Dritteigentum an Spielerrechten" - eine erste, kritische Bestandsaufnahme‘ (2015), Volume 22, Issue 2, 56-61

Michael Geistlinger, Julia Schaffelhofer, ‘Die Vierjahressperre nach dem WADC 2015 aus dem Blickwinkel der grundrechtlichen Berufsfreiheit‘ (2015), Volume 22, Issue 3, 101-105

Causa Sport: die Sport-Zeitschrift für nationales und internationales Recht sowie für Wirtschaft

Peter W. Heermann, ‘Related Parties gemäss Financial Fair Play: Erste Erfahrungen‘ (2015), Issue 1, 3-9

Markus Zimmermann, ‘Komplexe Konsequenzen bei Vertragsauflösungen im Fussball‘ (2015), Issue 1, 16-22

Patrick Redell, ‘Spielerverträge mit Minderjährigen: droht ein neuer "Bosman" Fall?‘ (2015), Issue 1, 28-36

Anne-Sophie Morand, ‘Verbote religiöser und politischer Symbole im Sport im Lichte des Persönlichkeitsrechts‘ (2015), Issue 1, 72-81

Luca Beffa & Olivier Ducrey, Review of the 2014 Case Law of the Swiss Federal Tribunal concerning Sports Arbitration (2015), Issue 2, 115-123

Marco Del Fabro, Optionen nach dem Verbot von Third Party Ownerships (2015), Issue 3, 219-230

Ralf Eckert  & Clauia Wisser, Die Genehmigungsgebühr des DLV im Lichte des <Pechstein-Urteils> des OLG München (2015), Issue 3, 238-241

Matthias Neumann, Die Lizenzbox : attraktives Steuerungsinstrument für Fußballklubs im Rahmen des Merchandising (2015), Issue 3,  295-303

Dominik Kocholl, Schiedsklauseln im internationalen Sport : gewollt oder nicht? : Anmerkungen zur Entscheidung des Gerichtshofs vom 18. Februar 2015 3 Ob 157/14f (2015), Issue 3,  311-321

Urs Scherrer, FIFA : Reflexionen zu Fakten, zu Spekulationen und zur Zukunft (2015), Issue 3, 322-325

Jonas Leder, Das Bewerbungsverfahren um die Ausrichtung der Olympischen Spiele nach der IOC-Agenda 2020 (2015), Issue 4, 339-343 

Robin van der Hout & Christian Wagner, Neue Möglichkeiten beihilferechtskonformer Finanzierung von Sportinfrastrukturen (2015), Issue 4, 344-352

Paul Lambertz, Problematische Namensveröffentlichungsregelung in Dopingfällen gemäss WADA-Code (2015), Issue 4, 369-373

Peter W. Heermann, Abstellung von Nationalspielern aus kartellrechtlicher Sicht (2015), Issue 4, 384-391

Revista española de derecho deportivo

Diego Medina Morales, ‘Derecho del deporte y normas de juego’ (2015), Volume 35, Issue 1, 11-18

Sandra L. Echeverry Velásquez, ‘Límites en la actividad publicitaria de naturaleza general y especial aplicada al deporte’ (2015), Volume 35, Issue 1, 55-78

Emilio A. García Silvero, ‘La disciplina deportiva en las federaciones deportivas internacionales: algunos aspectos básicos para su adecuada comprensión’(2015) Volume 35, Issue 1, 79-102

Rivista di diritto ed Economia dello sport

Mario Vigna, La Saga Pechstein : Tremano le colonne del tempio tas ? (2015), Issue 1, 13-30

Alessandro Coni, Le Third-Party Ownership, (2015), Issue 1, 31-68

Michele Spadini, La normativa FIFA a tutela dei minori alla luce del « caso Barcellona »
(2015), Issue 2, 17-46

Piero Sandulli, Acquisizione e valutazione della prova nel processo sportivo : Profili problematici ? (2015), Issue 2, 47-58

Luca Smacchia, Il lodo Mutu : Come il diritto europeo limita la specificità dello sport (2015), Issue 2, 75-88

Gerardo Russo, Lo sviluppo tecnico normativo nella lotta al doping e l’impatto sul rilascio delle licenze world tour UCI : Il caso Astana (2015), Issue 2, 89-116

Salvatore Civale, L'Indennità di formazione e il contributo di solidarietà nei trasferimenti internazionali dei calciatori alla luce della circolare FIFA n.1500 (2015), Issue 2, 117-126

Massimiliano Zampi & Giovanna Tassoni, Il doping tra medicina legale e diritto, osservazioni sulla liceità dei prelievi e sulle modlità di accertamento(2015), Issue 2, 135-148

Alessandro Coni, Il caso RFC Sérésien : La prima condanna per violazione del divieto di TPO (2015), Issue 2, 135-148

Sweet & Maxwell's international sports law review

James M. Dorsey, ‘To watch or not to watch? : Middle Eastern Women's Sporting Rights’ (2015) Sweet & Maxwell's international sports law review

Lauri Tarasti, ‘First International Convention against Sport Manipulation’ (2015) Sweet & Maxwell's international sports law review

Kevin Carpenter & Adam Pendlebury, ‘Tweeting the Game into Disrepute : Regulation of Social Media by Governing Bodies : Lessons from English Football’ (2015) Sweet & Maxwell's international sports law review

Ulrich Haas, ‚The Court of Arbitration for Sport in the Case Law of the German Courts’ (2015) Sweet & Maxwell's international sports law review

Others

Toine Spapens and Marjan Olfers, Match-fixing: The Current Discussion in Europe and the Case of The Netherlands (2015) European Journal of Crime Criminal Law and Criminal Justice; vol. 23, Issue. 4, 333-358

Ulrich Haas, Der Court of Arbitration for Sport im Spiegel der deutschen Rechtsprechung (2015) Zeitschrift fur Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft; vol. 114, issue. 4, 516-544

Andrew Wacke, Spiel und Wette (insbesondere Sportwetten) in der Entwickliung des europäischen Zivilrechts (2015) Zeitschrift für europäisches Privatrecht, Issue 1, 88-104

Valerie Kaplan, UEFA Financial Fair play Regulations and the European Union Antitrust Law Complications (2015) Emory International Law Review, Volume 29, Issue 4, 799-857

Philippe Cavalieros, Janet (Hyun Jeong) Kim, Can the Arbitral Community learn from Sports Arbitration? (2015) Journal of International Arbitration, Volume 32, Issue 2, 237-260 

Ralf Eckert, Maut fürs Laufen : zur Rechtmäßigkeit einer von einem Sportverband erhobenen Abgabe (2015) Wirtschaft und Wettbewerb, Volume 65, Issue 5, 480-489

Evelyne Lagrange, L'État et les puissances privées : digressions sur la compétence plénière de l'État et "l'autonomie du mouvement sportif" in Pierre d'Argent, Béatrice Bonafé et Jean Combacau (eds.) Les limites du droit international : essais en l'honneur de Joe Verhoeven, 183-204, 2015, ISBN 9782802742913

Mark Pieth, Ist der FIFA noch zu helfen? (2015) Zeitschrift fur Schweizerisches Recht, vol. 134, Issue. 1, 135-148

Danielle Wood, Giving Competition a Sporting Chance? : The Role for Antitrust Laws in Promoting Competition from New Sporting Leagues in Australia and the United States (2015) Australian Business Law Review; vol. 43, Issue. 3, 206-227

Oliver Budzinski, Stefan Szymanski, Are restrictions of competition by sports associations horizontal or vertical in nature? (2015) Journal of Competition Law & Economics, Volume 11, Issue 2, 409-429

Phinney Disseldorp, Voetballers niet langer te koop!? : Over een verbod op Third Party Ownership (2015) Tijdschrift voor sport & recht, Issue 1, 1-7

Geoff Pearson, Sporting Justifications under EU Free Movement and Competition Law: The Case of the Football ‘Transfer System’ (2015) European Law Journal, Volume 21, Issue 2, 220–238

Ben Van Rompuy, The Role of EU Competition Law in Tackling Abuse of Regulatory Power by Sports Associations (2015) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, vol. 22, issue. 2, 179-208

Nicolaides Phedon, A Critical Analysis of the Application of State Aid Rules to Sport (2015) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, vol. 22, issue. 2, 209-223

Antoine Duval, The Court of Arbitration for Sport and EU Law: Chronicle of an Encounter (2015) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, vol. 22, issue. 2, 224-255

Richard Parrish, Article 17 of the FIFA Regulations on the Status and Transfer of Players: Compatibility with EU Law, (2015) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, vol. 22, issue. 2, 256-282

Jacob Kornbeck, The Stamina of the "Bosman" Legacy : The European Union and the Revision of the World Anti-Doping Code (2011-2013) (2015) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, vol. 22, issue. 2, 283-304

Anna Sabrina Wollman, Olivier Vonk & Gerard-René De Groot, Towards a Sporting nationality? (2015) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, vol. 22, issue. 2, 305-321

Stefano Bastianon, The Striani Challenge to UEFA Financial Fair-Play. A New Era after Bosman or Just a Washout? (2015) Competition Law Review, Volume 11 Issue 1, 7-39

Beverley Williamson, Premiership Rugby Union: Through the Antitrust Looking Glass (2015) Competition Law Review, Volume 11 Issue 1, 41-60

Oskar van Maren, The Real Madrid case: A State aid case (un)like any other? (2015) Competition Law Review, Volume 11 Issue 1, 83-108

SSRN Articles

Anastasios Kaburakis, Ryan M. Rodenberg, John T. Holden, Inevitable: Sports Gambling, State Regulation, and the Pursuit of Revenue (10 January 2015)

Ben Van Rompuy, The Odds of Match Fixing - Facts & Figures on the Integrity Risk of Certain Sports Bets (22 January 2015)

Craig Dickson, Complex Rules & Inconsistent Interpretation: Duty of Care and Causation in Collision Sports (27 February 2015)

Craig Dickson, Courtsiding' in Sport: Cheating, Sharp Practice or Merely Irritating? (13 March 2015)

Kyle Mulrooney, Katinka Van de Ven, ”Muscle Profiling”: Anti-Doping Policy and Deviant Leisure (23 March 2015) 

Antoine Duval, Ben Van Rompuy, The Compatibility of Forced CAS Arbitration with EU Competition Law: Pechstein Reloaded (23 June 2015)

Michele Giannino, Can Joint Sale Agreements for Exclusive Media Rights to Sport Events Amount to Abusive Conducts? The Simbia/CLT-UFA Case in Luxembourg (10 July 2015)

Dick Pound, Sports Arbitration: How it Works and Why it Works (16 June 2015)

Kathryn Henne, Reforming Global Sport: Hybridity and the Challenges of Pursuing Transparency (20 August 2015).

Kathryn Henne, Defending Doping: Performances and Trials of an Anti-Doping Program (20 August 2015).

Thomas Margoni, The Protection of Sports Events in the European Union: Property, Intellectual Property, Unfair Competition and Special Forms of Protection (August 29, 2015).

Teresa Scassa and Benoit Séguin, Ambush Marketing Legislation to Protect Olympic Sponsors: A Step Too Far in the Name of Brand Protection? (October 7, 2015).

Others:

Bulletin TAS/CAS Bulletin 2015/1

[1] This literature review would not have been possible without the precious support of our former intern Piotr Drabik.

[2] Only the articles deemed relevant from an international sports law perspective are listed here.

Editor's note: Panagiotis Roumeliotis holds an LL.B. degree from National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece and an LL.M. degree in European and International Tax Law from University of Luxembourg. He is qualified lawyer in Greece and is presently working as tax advisor with KPMG Luxembourg while pursuing, concomitantly, an LL.M. in International Sports Law at Sheffield Hallam University, England. His interest lies in the realm of tax and sports law. He may be contacted by e-mail at ‘p.roumeliotis@hotmail.com’.

Introduction

The landmark Bosman Ruling triggered the Europeanization of the labour market for football players by banning nationality quotas. In turn, in conjunction with the boom in TV revenues, this led to a flourishing transfer market in which players’ agents or intermediaries play a pivotal role, despite having a controversial reputation.

As a preliminary remark, it is important to touch upon the fiduciary duty of sports agents towards their clients. The principal-agent relationship implies that the former employs the agent so as to secure the best employment and/or commercial opportunities. Conversely, the latter is expected to act in the interest of the player as their relationship should be predicated on trust and confidence, as much was made clear in the English Court of Appeal case of Imageview Management Ltd v. Kelvin Jack. Notably, agents are bound to exercise the utmost degree of good faith, honesty and loyalty towards the players.[1]

At the core of this blog lies a comparative case study of the implementation of the FIFA Regulations on working with intermediaries (hereinafter “FIFA RWI”) in eight European FAs covering most of the transfers during the mercato. I will then critically analyze the issues raised by the implementation of the RWI and, as a conclusion, offer some recommendations.

FIFA RWI

In 2015, FIFA sought a new reform of football agents’ activity and adopted regulations on dealing with intermediaries[2] that are defined as “a natural or legal person who, for a fee or free of charge, represents players and/or clubs in negotiations with a view to concluding an employment contract or represents clubs in negotiations with a view to concluding a transfer agreement”.[3]

As solemnly illustrated in the Preamble, their purported aim is to bolster high ethical standards for the relations between clubs, players and third parties as well as enable proper control and transparency as regards player transfers.[4]  In a nutshell, FIFA devolved its regulatory powers to the national federations whereas it will just monitor the regulations’ proper implementation.[5]

Case studies of the national implementation of the RWI in eight countries

The concrete impact of the new RWI can be duly chartered through an examination of European FAs’ implementation (i.e. Belgium, England, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain) as Europe possesses by far the biggest transfer market globally.

Registration

The registration process is a conditio sine qua non for agents. Based on a literal interpretation of the RWI, agents’ registration should occur on a transactional basis[6] and it is conferred upon clubs and players to provide to the respective FA the intermediary declaration and representation contract.[7] As FAs are empowered to go beyond the minimum requirements enshrined in FIFA’s RWI[8] in some instances they have implemented different requirements.

Burdensome character

For purposes of tracking and tracing their activity, agents should, subject to signing and filing the so-called “intermediary declaration”, be registered with the FA where they exercise their profession. Ergo, the plethora of administrative rules simultaneously applied constitute glaring obstacles, as they allegedly impede the provision of services on behalf of agents[9] and, on top of that, the enhanced amount of registration fees[10] is burdensome. The net result seems to be that a “fragmented and multi-tiered system”[11] does not seem compatible with EU law. It is more likely than not that by curtailing the development of agents’ business, EU law (i.e. restraint on competition, free movement of services) is infringed.

Lack of qualification assessment 

Apart from France[12], where candidates must sit a written examination and Spain[13], where a personal interview with the respective FA takes place, in principle, such assessments are not considered. 

The self-certification of impeccable reputation does not guarantee the quality of the services rendered by agents and the possession of the requisite skills thereto. In fact, the EU Sectoral Social Dialogue Committee for Professional Football confirmed a decreased quality of said services. The obligation to undertake a serious examination should, a fortiori, be taken seriously into account and put into practice as it will offer guarantees of objectivity and transparency.

Of course one could contradict that agents derive their value from their extensive network of contacts and market knowledge;[14] instead of their education or license. Nevertheless, qualitative criteria need to be set as a condition for eventual registration, as players should only have the option to gravitate towards agents that can deploy them quality services. This is further fortified by the fact that football has become a sophisticated business, whereby complex contracts plausibly require qualified assistance so as to achieve a better protection of players’ rights.[15]

Remuneration

In theory, agents should be entitled to receive remuneration so long as they have brought about the employment contract/transfer agreement for which they have been engaged. The mere introduction of the parties to a contract, without evidence of contribution to said conclusion, is not sufficient[16] as the entitlement to commission crystalizes upon the provision of services.

Reality bears witness to the fact that the recommended 3% benchmark cap inserted in the FIFA RWI[17], albeit being the apple of discord in recent discussions, has not been interpreted by FAs as a “must”. Only 4/8[18] FAs have transposed such recommendation in their domestic RWI while the others[19] have ignored it.

A glance at current numbers proves that, in spite of the recommended cap, agents’ fees have swelled; as from 2013, UEFA clubs have spent 97.2% (i.e. USD 1.54 billion) of the commissions pocketed by intermediaries globally. Going forward, it is indicative that as per the UEFA Report for the FY 2016, the average commission rate amounted to 13% in Belgium, England, Italy and Portugal, 9% in France, 15% in Germany, 12% in the Netherlands and 8% in Spain. The above figures succinctly demonstrate that FIFA’s recommendation has not led to a de facto limitation of the remuneration paid to agents. This is also confirmed by a report for the EC that outlined the increase in agents’ fees following FIFA’s deregulation.

Benchmark cons

Potential low remuneration cap would, unavoidably, incite agents to breach their fiduciary duty and favour their own interests. Exempli gratia, they would rather clinch deals in FAs that contemplate higher commission fees, even if it is contrary to the best interests of their client’s career. Furthermore, reprehensible practices would definitely take place since agents’ commission and players’ remuneration function inversely (i.e. the more agents receive, the less players earn), while it is also likely that agents would be discouraged to provide high quality services.

In the same vein, it could lead to collision with EU law. As a matter of fact, it has already raised EU competition law concerns as some have considered it a disproportionate encroachment on agents’ economic freedom, thus, infringing Articles 101 and 102 TFEU.

Benchmark pros

 On the flip side, I would like to play devil’s advocate going forward. Should the 3% cap on fees apply, this would ward off “agents” whose sole purpose is to make “quick and dirty” money. Therefore, the 3% cap could work as an indirect assessment of the ones who are worth of being agents.

Conflicts of interests 

From the outset of the eventual transaction, players/clubs should endeavor to assure that no conflicts of interest exist.[20] 6 out of 8 FAs[21] have transposed ad litteram the provision stipulating the right of intermediaries to represent multiple parties to a transaction, so long as they have articulated in advance potential conflicts of interest and received written consent by all parties involved. The CSKA Sofia v. Loic Bensaid case could be considered as a precursor to this provision, in which it was stressed that an agent who represents both player and club does not commit fraud so long as he has made the situation transparent to the parties.[22]

In my view, said provision ostensibly solves potential conflicts of interest but de facto goes against agents’ fiduciary duty and ineluctably leads to such conflicts. By way of comment, should an agent represent both the player and the destination club, he would have to act in a neutral manner, which will adversely affect the player’s interests. In order to maintain healthy relationships with the club so as to facilitate future transactions, it is more likely that he will not seek the maximum salary possible for the player. Conversely, should the agent represent both the player and the club of origin, one can easily understand that a higher transfer fee reduces the player’s salary and vice versa.

In my view, with such provision, unwittingly or not, an own-goal has been inflicted as FAs are not incentivized to crack down on potential conflicts of interest. At least, if the French[23]/Portuguese[24] practice is not followed (i.e. dual representation is prohibited), the English model[25] could be an attractive solution. Notably, the possibility to seek independent legal advice should be construed as a necessary requirement that will safeguard players’ sporting/financial interests from being compromised.

Minors

Almost all FAs outlawed payments when the player is a minor.[26] Portugal[27] seems to have applied a more stringent standard (i.e. representation is totally forbidden), while Italy[28] does not stricto sensu prohibit such remuneration.

One might be tempted to conclude that outlawing payments is commendable but such perception is erroneous as the premise behind it goes against the players’ interests:

• Agents not receiving consideration in exchange for their services would most likely not provide the best advice for their client, as, “good advice comes at a price”[29]
• Agents would have a vested interest to tie up youngsters for many years, which might, in turn, work at their expense, as the former might seek to capitalize their investment in the players as soon as they get 18 years old. As submitted, when it comes to minors, unscrupulous agents can go “forum shopping” and seek to conclude a representation contract in the most favorable jurisdiction,[30] i.e. the one that does not limit the duration of said contract.

The foregoing should be read in conjunction with the fact that in modern football there are lots of talented young players with potential to become a bone of contention for agents. Further to this, due account should be taken of the fact that UEFA’s “home grown player rule” and the UEFA Financial Fair Play Regulations push clubs to invest in youngsters and this renders their circulation in the market more common than in the past.

The statistics provided by FIFA ITMS show that minors are the category of players who have most often used an agent, in 17.6% of the concluded international transfers against 15.2% and 14.5% between 18-25 and 26-32 years old, respectively. Therefore, it borders on the absurd that agents cannot be remunerated when engaged in transactions involving minors.

On top of that, higher thresholds ought to have been imposed i.e. the representation contract should have a limited term and for this, a useful inspiration could be derived from the case of Proactive Sports Management v Wayne Rooney, where it was decided that the eight-year image rights representation agreement[31] constituted an unreasonable restraint of trade.

Duration of the Representation Contract

FIFA’s RWI left a normative vacuum by not including a provision on the maximum duration of a representation contract. However, my comparative study shows that 5/8 FAs[32] impose a maximum 2 year term on the representation contract.

Such a limit protects not only the players’ but also the clubs’ interests against potential abuses involved in the engagement of agents for long periods.[33] Furthermore, it avoids conflicts pertaining to restraint of trade as the absence of limits could lead to players being tied to their agent for a disproportionate period of time.

However, since exclusivity (i.e. maximum duration of contract) is not prescribed in FIFA RWI, this could imply that they provide a safe harbor to players not to be contractually bound for a predetermined period of time. As submitted, this grants the players more bargaining power and would, indirectly, force agents to act in the best interests of their clients.[34]

Harmonization at European level

It is crystal clear that multiple national disparities exist in the regulation of agents. Hence, I believe a streamlined uniform regulatory framework is needed at the European level and, as such, could be put in place by UEFA’s FAs.

FAs Partnership

As football’s transfer money and underlying intermediaries’ commission fees are mostly concentrated in Europe, it should be underscored that consolidated RWI at the level of all European FAs would provide a more potent regulatory space and countervail “FIFA’s regulatory relinquishment”.

As FIFA switched the onus to FAs, some of them could come together and become embroiled in enforcing an enhanced monitoring system and stricter conditions of access to the profession. This has also been supported by the EU Sectoral Social Dialogue Committee for Professional Football, which formulated that such harmonized European policy is the desirable next step for a better regulatory oversight of agents. Such partnership could be a laudable response to the calls for a centralized and harmonized mandatory licensing system. It should be done in cooperation with the EFAA, so as to take into account the agents’ perspective and likely facilitate adherence to the regulations.

In this respect, it would be prudent to follow the examples of other Sports Associations. For example, FIBA when formulating effective regulations pertaining to agents promoted harmonization while involving the agents through consultation of AEBA. Pursuant to the latest EC Report, the National Basketball Players Association (“NBPA”) Regulations could also be considered as an example to follow, as they enhance the “professionalization” of agents and are based on a mandatory licensing system while setting accomplished higher education as an indispensable condition. The NFL, on the other side of the Atlantic, is also an interesting example as it requires a university degree or sufficient negotiating experience of minimum 7 years.

As it is generally felt that the agents’ business is “unethical, complex and deceptive”, thus stringent conditions should be imposed to enter the profession. A qualitative selection process is indispensable. Players must be able to rely on agents equipped with the necessary skills and knowledge. FAs should look back at the Piau case where the compulsory licensing system was duly endorsed as legitimate by the then Court of First Instance of the EU, inter alia, on the basis that it was necessary to introduce “professionalism and ethical standards to protect players whose careers are short”.

UEFA

On a separate note, UEFA, as it claims to operate in a spirit of consensus with all its stakeholders, has to be the leading frontrunner of a harmonised regulation. In the framework of Article 165 TFEU and UEFA’s conditional supervised autonomy[35], this could be done in dialogue with the EC that possesses coordination competence with regard to sport, so as to ensure that potential new regulations can resist challenges on grounds of restraint of trade and alleged infringements of EU law. The Arrangement for Cooperation signed by the UEFA and EC earlier in February 2018 could be a good starting point going forward.

Conclusions

It is unequivocal that FIFA’s RWI advent has had as a main repercussion the deregulation of the industry, or better put, the granting of autonomy to the FAs to regulate said industry using the minimum standards as the cornerstone. The case study, though, evidences that important disparities exist between crucial provisions of the various European FAs’ RWI, which leads to compounding practical and ethical problems and to higher risks of forum shopping. 

It is forthwith conspicuous that such disparities create challenges, which could be duly faced, first and foremost, by accepting that agents are inherent to the mercato and, as previously alluded, by taking account of their fiduciary duty. Ergo, it is contingent upon European FAs, in the framework of UEFA, to cooperate so as to adopt a robust unified regime that will bring forward sweeping and streamlined changes to the profession. To do so, agents’ should be consulted and respected, as in the modern era of professional football, “they are the oil that keeps the wheels of international football in motion.”[36]

[1] WALTER T. CHAMPION, “Attorneys Qua Sports Agents: An Ethical Conundrum” (1997) 7 Marquette Sports Law Journal 349, 350.

[2] The term “agent” will be used, as it constitutes the international jargon.

[3] 2015 FIFA RWI, Definition of an intermediary.

[4] 2015 FIFA RWI, Preamble.

[5] 2015 FIFA RWI, Article 10.

[6] JUAN DE DIOS CRESPO and PAOLO TORCHETTI, “Limiting intermediaries’ fees and enhancing fiduciary duty” [2018] World Sports Advocate 11, 12.

[7] 2015 FIFA RWI, Articles 3 and 6(1).

[8] 2015 FIFA RWI, Preamble.

[9] JUAN DE DIOS CRESPO and PAOLO TORCHETTI, “FIFA’s new Regulations on Working with Intermediaries” [2015] Football Legal 36.

[10] Annex 11 to the URBSFA Regulations, Article 4 [1.3]; The FA website, Intermediaries Registration [online]. Available at: http://www.thefa.com/football-rules-governance/policies/intermediaries/intermediaries-registration [accessed on 1 May 2018]; Code du Sport, Article L.222-7; FIGC, Regolamento per i Servizi di Procuratore Sportivo, Art. 4(1), 4(3) and 5; KNVB Regulations, Article 2(6); PFF Regulations, Article 7(2); RFEF Regulations, Article 7.

[11] JUAN DE DIOS CRESPO and PAOLO TORCHETTI, “FIFA’s new Regulations on Working with Intermediaries” [2015] Football Legal 37; ORNELLA DESIREE BELLIA “FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries: Analysis from the perspective of the clubs” in MICHELE COLUCCI (ed) The FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries, Implementation at National Level (2^nd ed., International Sports Law and Policy Bulletin 1/2016) 57-66, 59.

[12] Code du Sport, Article L.222-7.

[13] RFEF Regulations, Article 4.

[14] IAN LYNAM and JONATHAN ELLIS, “Players’ Agents”, in ADAM LEWIS QC and JONATHAN TAYLOR (eds), Sports: Law and Practice (3rd edition, BLOOMSBURY 2016), 1418 – 1478, 1420.

[15] SALEH ALOBEILDI, “FIFA’s RWI – Historical overview” [2015] Football Legal 30.

[16] CAS 2006/A//1019 G. v. O., award of 5 December 2006 (anonymized) [11].

[17] 2015 FIFA RWI, Article 7(3).

[18] Annex 11 to the URBSFA Regulations, Article 8 [3]; FA Regulations, Rule C (11); FIGC, Regolamento per i Servizi di Procuratore Sportivo, Art. 6; KNVB Regulations, Article 8(6).

[19] Code du Sport, Article L. 222-17 ; DFB Regulations, Section 7.1-7.2; PFF Regulations, Article 11 ; In Spain no remuneration cap has been prescribed.

[20] 2015 FIFA RWI, Article 2(2).

[21] Annex 11 to the URBSFA Regulations, Article 9 [3]; FA Regulations, Rule E (2) a-c; DFB Regulations, Article 8; FIGC, Regolamento per i Servizi di Procuratore Sportivo, Art. 7; KNBV Regulations, Article 4; RFEF Regulations, Article 12.

[22] CAS 2012/A/2988, PFC CSKA Sofia v. Loic Bensaid (award of 14 June 2013) paras 74, 82 and 101.

[23] Code du Sport, Article L.222-17.

[24] PFF Regulations, Article 5(3).

[25] FA Regulations, Rule E (2) d.

[26] Annex 11 to the URBSFA Regulations, Article 8 [8]; FA Regulations, Art. C (10) ; Code du Sport, Article L.222-5; DFB Regulations, Art. 7.7; KNVB Regulations, Article 8(7); RFEF Regulations, Article 10.

[27] PFF Regulations, Article 5(4); The Physical Activity and Sports Basic Law (“PASBL”) or Law no. 5/2007, Article 37(2).

[28] SALVATORE CIVALE and MICHELE COLUCCI, “The FIGC Regulations on Intermediaries” in MICHELE COLUCCI (ed) The FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries, Implementation at National Level (2^nd ed., International Sports Law and Policy Bulletin 1/2016) 329-338, 335.

[29] JEAN-MICHEL MARMAYOU, “EU Law and Principles applied to FIFA Regulations” in MICHELE COLUCCI (ed) The FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries, Implementation at National Level (2^nd ed., International Sports Law and Policy Bulletin 1/2016) 75-112, 91.

[30] ROBERTO BRANCO MARTINS, “FIFA’s RWI – Agents’ perspective” [2015] Football Legal 50.

[31] The judge supported his argumentation by making reference to the obsolete FIFA Regulations, which stipulated that representation contracts were limited to a maximum two-year term, attaching to said agreement a unique character.

[32] FA Regulations, Art. B (10); FIGC, Regolamento per i Servizi di Procuratore Sportivo, Art. 5; PFF Regulations, Article 9(2) §c; RFEF Regulations, Article 8(4).

[33] CAS 2008/A/1665, J. v. Udinese Calcio S.p.A, (award of 19 May 2009) para 54.

[34] WIL VAN MEGEN, “The FIFA Regulations on Intermediaries: The players’ point of view” in MICHELE COLUCCI (ed) The FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries, Implementation at National Level (2^nd ed., International Sports Law and Policy Bulletin 1/2016) 67-74, 74.

[35] BORJA GARCIA, “Sport governance after the White Paper: the demise of the European model?” (2009) 1:3 International Journal of Sport Policy 267; It was firstly stated in the Meca-Medina case [47]: “restrictions imposed by sports federations must be limited to what is necessary to ensure the proper conduct of competitive sport”.

[36] ROBERTO BRANCO MARTINS and GREGOR REITER, “Players’ Agents: Past, Present … Future?” (2010) 1-2 The International Sports Law Journal 7.